1650 SUNDRY REASONS FOR THE REMOVAL FROM LEYDEN by William Bradford şiElectronically Enhanced Text (c) Copyright 1996, World Library(R) DAK Upgraded Edition, Copyright 2000, DAK Industries 2000, Inc(R)şI {PlYMOUTH_PLANTATION|REMOVAL_LEYDEN Sundry Reasons for the Removal from Leyden AFTER they had lived in this city about some eleven or twelve years, (which is the more observable, being the whole time of that famous truce between that state and the Spaniards,) and sundry of them were taken away by death, and many others began to be well stricken in years, the grave mistress Experience having taught them many things, those prudent governors, with sundry of the sagest members, began both deeply to apprehend their present dangers, and wisely to foresee the future, and think of timely remedy. In the agitation of their thoughts, and much discourse of things hereabout, at length they began to incline to this conclusion, of removal to some other place. Not out of any new- fangledness, or other such like giddy humor, by which men are oftentimes transported to their great hurt and danger, but for sundry weighty and solid reasons, some of the chief of which I will here briefly touch. And first, they saw and found by experience the hardness of the place and country to be such as few in comparison would come to them, and fewer that would bide it out, and continue with them. For many that came to them, and many more that desired to be with them, could not endure that great labor and hard fare, with other inconveniences which they underwent and were contented with. But though they loved their persons, approved their cause, and honored their sufferings, yet they left them as it were weeping, as Orpah did her mother-in-law Naomi, or as those Romans did Cato in Utica, who desired to be excused and borne with, though they could not all be Catos. For many, though they desired to enjoy the ordinances of God in their purity, and the liberty of the gospel with them, yet, alas! they admitted of bondage, with danger of conscience, rather than to endure these hardships; yea, some preferred and chose the prisons in England, rather than this liberty in Holland, with these 'afflictions. But it was thought that if a better and easier place of living could be had, it would draw many, and take away these discouragments. Yea, their pastor would often say, that many of those who both wrote and preached now against them, if they were in a place where they might have liberty and live comfortably, they would then practice as they did. Secondly. They saw that though the people generally bore all these difficulties very cheerfully, and with a resolute courage, being in the best and strength of their years, yet old age began to steal on many of them, (and their great and continual labors, with other crosses and sorrows, hastened it before the time,) so as it was not only probably thought, but apparently seen, that within a few years more they would be in danger to scatter, by necessities pressing them, or sink under their burdens, or both. And therefore according to the divine proverb, that a "wise man seeth the plague when it cometh, and hideth himself," so they, like skillful and beaten soldiers, were fearful either to be entrapped or surrounded by their enemies, so as they should neither be able to fight nor fly; and therefore thought it better to dislodge betimes to some place of better advantage and less danger, if any such could be found. Thirdly. As necessity was a taskmaster over them, so they were forced to be such, not only to their servants, but in a sort, to their dearest children; the which as it did not a little wound the tender hearts of many a loving father and mother, so it produced likewise sundry sad and sorrowful effects. For many of their children, that were of best dispositions and gracious inclinations, having learned to bear the yoke in their youth, and willing to bear part of their parents' burden, were oftentimes so oppressed with their heavy labors, that though their minds were free and willing, yet their bodies bowed under the weight of the same, and became decrepit in their early youth; the vigor of nature being consumed in the very bud, as it were. But that which was more lamentable, and, of all sorrows, most heavy to be borne, was that many of their children, by these occasions, and the great licentiousness of youth in that country, and the manifold temptations of the place, were drawn away by evil examples into extravagant and dangerous courses, getting the reins of their necks, and departing from their parents. Some became soldiers, others took upon them far voyages by sea, and others some worse courses, tending to dissoluteness and the danger of their souls, to the great grief of their parents and dishonor of God. So that they saw their posterity would be in danger to degenerate and be corrupted. Lastly, (and which was not least,) a great hope and inward zeal they had of laying some good foundation, or at least to make some way thereunto, for the propagating and advancing the gospel of the kingdom of Christ in those remote parts of the world; yea, though they should be but even as stepping-stones unto others for the performing of so great a work. These, and some other like reasons, moved them to undertake this resolution of their removal; the which they afterward prosecuted with so great difficulties, as by the sequel will appear. The place they had thoughts on was some of those vast and unpeopled countries of America, which are fruitful and fit for habitation, being devoid of all civil inhabitants, where there are only savage and brutish men, which range up and down, little otherwise than the wild beasts of the same. This proposition being made public and coming to the scanning of all, it raised many variable opinions amongst men, and caused many fears and doubts amongst themselves. Some, from their reasons and hopes conceived, labored to stir up and encourage the rest to undertake and prosecute the same; others, again, out of their fears, objected against it, and sought to divert from it, alleging many things, and those neither unreasonable nor unprobable; as that it was a great design, and subject to many unconceivable perils and dangers; as, besides the casualties of the seas, (which none can be freed from,) the length of the voyage was such, as the weak bodies of women and other persons worn out with age and travel (as many of them were) could never be able to endure. And yet if they should, the miseries of the land which they should be exposed unto, would be too hard to be borne; and likely, some or all of them together, to consume and utterly to ruinate them. For there they should be liable to famine, and nakedness, and the want, in a manner, of all things. The change of air, diet, and drinking of water, would infect their bodies with sore sicknesses and grievous diseases. And also those which should escape or overcome these difficulties, should yet be in continual danger of the savage people, who are cruel, barbarous, and most treacherous, being most furious in their rage, and merciless where they overcome; not being content only to kill, and take away life, but delight to torment men in the most bloody manner that may be; flaying some alive with the shells of fishes, cutting off the members and joints of others by piecemeal, and broiling on the coals, eat the collops of their flesh in their sight whilst they live; with other cruelties horrible to be related. And surely it could not be thought but the very hearing of these things could not but move the very bowels of men to grate within them, and make the weak to quake and tremble. It was further objected, that it would require greater sums of money to furnish such a voyage, and to fit them with necessaries, than their consumed estates would amount to; and yet they must as well look to be seconded with supplies, as presently to be transported. Also many precedents of ill success, and lamentable miseries befallen others in the like designs, were easy to be found, and not forgotten to be alleged; besides their own experience, in their former troubles and hardships in their removal into Holland, and how hard a thing it was for them to live in that strange place, though it was, a neighbor country, and a civil and rich commonwealth. It was answered, that all great and honorable actions are accompanied with great difficulties, and must be both enterprised and overcome with answerable courages. It was granted the dangers were great, but not desperate; the difficulties were many, but not invincible. For though there were many of them likely, yet they were not certain; it might be sundry of the things feared might never befall; others, by provident care and the use of good means, might in a great measure be prevented; and all of them, through the help of God, by fortitude and patience, might either be borne or overcome. True it was, that such attempts were not to be made and undertaken without good ground and reason; not rashly or lightly, as many have done for curiosity or hope of gain, etc. But their condition was not ordinary; their ends were good and honorable; their calling lawful, and urgent; and therefore they might expect the blessing of God in their proceeding. Yea, though they should lose their lives in this action, yet might they have comfort in the same, and their endeavors would be honorable. They lived here but as men in exile, and in a poor condition; and as great miseries might possibly befall them in this place, for the twelve years of truce were now out, and there was nothing but beating of drums, and preparing for war, the events whereof are always uncertain. The Spaniard might prove as cruel as the savages of America, and the famine and pestilence as sore here as there, and their liberty less to look out for remedy. After many other particular things answered and alleged on both sides, it was fully concluded by the major part, to put this design in execution, and to prosecute it by the best means they could. {TROUBLED_HYPOCRITE How the Colony was Troubled with a Hypocrite THE third eminent person (which the letters before mention) was the minister which they sent over, by name John Lyford, of whom and whose doing I must be more large, though I shall abridge things as much as I can. When this man first came ashore, he saluted them with that reverence and humility as is seldom to be seen, and indeed made them ashamed, he so bowed and cringed unto them, and would have kissed their hands if they would have suffered him; yea, he wept and shed many tears, blessing God that had brought him to see their faces; and admiring the things they had done in their wants, etc., as if he had been made all of love, and the humblest person in the world. And all the while (if we may judge by his after carriages) he was but like him mentioned in Psa. x. 10; that croucheth and boweth, that heaps of poor may fall by his might; or like to that dissembling Ishmael, who, when he had slain Gedelia, went out weeping and met them that were coming to offer incense in the house of the Lord, saying, "Come to Gedelia," when he meant to slay them. They gave him the best entertainment they could, (in all simplicity,) and a larger allowance of food out of the store than any other had; and as the Governor had used in all weighty affairs to consult with their Elder, Mr. Brewster, (together with his assistants,) so now he called Mr. Lyford also to counsel with them in their weightiest businesses. After some short time he desired to join himself a member to the church here, and was accordingly received. He made a large confession of his faith, and an acknowledgment of his former disorderly walking, and his being entangled with many corruptions, which had been a burden to his conscience, and blessed God for this opportunity of freedom and liberty to enjoy the ordinances of God in purity among his people, with many more such like expressions. I must here speak a word also of Mr. John Oldham, who was a copartner with him in his after courses. He had been a chief stickler in the former faction among the particulars, and an intelligencer to those in England. But now, since the coming of this ship and he saw the supply that came, he took occasion to open his mind to some of the chief amongst them here, and confessed he had done them wrong both by word and deed, and writing into England; but he now saw the eminent hand of God to be with them, and his blessing upon them, which made his heart smite him, neither should those in England ever use him as an instrument any longer against them in any thing. He also desired former things might be forgotten, and that they would look upon him as one that desired to close with them in all things, with such like expressions. Now whether this was in hypocrisy, or out of some sudden pang of conviction (which I rather think), God only knows. Upon it they show all readiness to embrace his love, and carry towards him in all friendliness, and called him to counsel with them in all chief affairs, as the other, without any distrust at all. Thus all things seemed to go very comfortably and smoothly on amongst them, at which they did much rejoice; but this lasted not long, for both Oldham and he grew very perverse, and showed a spirit of great malignancy, drawing as many into faction as they could; were they never so vile or profane, they did nourish and back them in all their doings; so they would but cleave to them and speak against the church here; so as there was nothing but private meetings and whisperings amongst them; they feeding themselves and others with what they should bring to pass in England by the faction of their friends there, which brought others as well as themselves into a fool's paradise. Yet they could not carry so closely but much of both their doings and say- ings were discovered, yet outwardly they still set a fair face of things. At length when the ship was ready to go, it was observed Lyford was long in writing, and sent many letters, and could not forbear to communicate to his intimates such things as made them laugh in their sleeves, and thought he had done their errand sufficiently. The Governor and some other of his friends knowing how things stood in England, and what hurt these things might do, took a shallop and went out with the ship a league or two to sea, and called for all Lyford's and Oldham's letters. Mr. William Peirce, being master of the ship, (and knew well their evil dealing both in England and here,) afforded him all the assistance he could. He found above twenty of Lyford's letters, many of them large, and full of slanders, and false accusations, tending not only to their prejudice, but to their ruin and utter subversion. Most of the letters they let pass, only took copies of them, but some of the most material they sent true copies of them, and kept the originals, lest he should deny them, and that they might produce his own hand against him. Amongst his letters they found the copies of two letters which he sent enclosed in a letter of his to Mr. John Pemberton, a minister, and a great opposite of theirs. These two letters of which he took the copies, were one of them written by a gentleman in England to Mr. Brewster here, the other by Mr. Winslow to Mr. Robinson, in Holland, at his coming away, as the ship lay at Gravesend. They lying sealed in the great cabin, (whilst Mr. Winslow was busy about the affairs of the ship,) this sly merchant takes and opens them, takes these copies, and seals them up again; and not only sends the copies of them thus to his friend and their adversary, but adds thereto in the margin many scurrilous and flouting annotations. The ship went out towards evening, and in the night the Governor returned. They were somewhat blank at it, but after some weeks, when they heard nothing, they then were as brisk as ever, thinking nothing had been known, but all was gone current, and that the Governor went but to dispatch his own letters. The reason why the Governor and rest concealed these things the longer, was to let things ripen, that they might the better discover their intents and see who were their adherents. And the rather because amongst the rest they found a letter of one of their confederates, in which was written that Mr. Oldham and Mr. Lyford intended a reformation in church and commonwealth; and, as soon as the ship was gone, they intended to join together, and have the sacraments, etc. For Oldham, few of his letters were found, (for he was so bad a scribe as his hand was scarce legible,) yet he was as deep in the mischief as the other. And thinking they were now strong enough, they began to pick quarrels at every thing. Oldham being called to watch, (according to order,) refused to come, fell out with the Captain, called him "rascal," and "beggarly rascal," and resisted him, drew his knife at him; though he offered him no wrong, nor gave him no ill terms, but with all fairness required him to do his duty. The Governor, hearing the tumult, sent to quiet it, but he ramped more like a furious beast than a man, and called them all traitors, and rebels, and other such foul language as I am ashamed to remember; but after be was clapt up awhile, he came to himself, and with some slight punishment was let go upon his behavior for further censure. But to cut things short, at length it grew to this issue, that Lyford with his accomplices, without ever speaking one word either to the Governor, Church, or Elder, withdrew themselves and set up a public meeting apart, on the Lord's day; with sundry such insolent carriages, too long here to relate, beginning now publicly to act what privately they had been long plotting. It was now thought high time (to prevent further mischief) to call them to account; so the Governor called a court and summoned the whole company to appear. And then charged Lyford and Oldham with such things as they were guilty of. But they were stiff, and stood resolutely upon the denial of most things, and required proof. They first alleged what was written to them out of England, compared with their doings and practices here; that it was evident they joined in plotting against them, and disturbing their peace, both in respect of their civil and church state, which was most injurious; for both they and all the world knew they came hither to enjoy the liberty of their conscience and the free use of God's ordinances; and for that end had ventured their lives and passed through so much hardship hitherto, and they and their friends had borne the charge of these beginnings, which was not small. And that Lyford for his part was sent over on this charge, and that both he and his great family was maintained on the same, and also was joined to the church, and a member of them; and for him to plot against them and seek their ruin, was most unjust and perfidious. And for Oldham or any other that came over at their own charge, and were on their particular, seeing they were received in courtesy by the plantation, when they came only to seek shelter and protection under their wings, not being able to stand alone, that they, (according to the fable,) like the hedgehog whom the cony in a stormy day in pity received into her burrow, would not be content to take part with her, but in the end with her sharp pricks forced the poor cony to forsake her own burrow; so these men with the like injustice endeavored to do the same to those that entertained them. Lyford denied that he had any thing to do with them in England, or knew of their courses, and made other things as strange that he was charged with. Then his letters were produced and some of them read, at which he was struck mute. But Oldham began to rage furiously because they had intercepted and opened his letters, threatening them in very high language, and in a most audacious and mutinous manner stood up and called upon the people, saying, "My masters, where is your hearts? Now show your courage; you have oft complained to me so and so; now is the time, if you will do any thing, I will stand by you," etc. Thinking that every one (knowing his humor) that, had soothed and flattered him, or otherwise in their discontent uttered any thing unto him, would now side with him in open rebellion. But he was deceived, for not a man opened his mouth, but all were silent, being struck with the injustice of the thing. Then the Governor turned his speech to Mr. Lyford, and asked him if he thought they had done evil to open his letters; but he was silent, and would not say a word, well knowing what they might reply. Then the Governor showed the people he did it as a magistrate, and was bound to it by his place, to prevent the mischief and ruin that this conspiracy and plots of theirs would bring on this poor colony. But he, besides his evil dealing here, had dealt treacherously with his friends that trusted him, and stole their letters and opened them, and sent copies of them, with disgraceful annotations, to his friends in England. And then the Governor produced them and his other letters under his own hand, (which he could not deny,) and caused them to be read before all the people; at which all his friends were blank, and had not a word to say. It would be too long and tedious here to insert his letters (which would almost fill a volume), though I have them by me. I shall only note a few of the chief things collected out of them, with the answers to them as they were then given; and but a few of those many, only for instance, by which the rest may be judged of. 1. First, he saith, the church would have none to live here but themselves. Secondly, neither are any willing so to do if they had company to live elsewhere. Answer: Their answer was, that this was false, in both the parts of it; for they were willing and desirous that any honest men may live with them, that will carry themselves peaceably, and seek the common good, or at least do them no hurt. And again, there are many that will not live elsewhere so long as they may live with them. 2. That if there come over any honest men that are not of the separation, they will quickly distaste them, etc. Answer: Their answer was as before, that it was a false calumniation, for they had many amongst them that they liked well of, and were glad of their company; and should be of any such like that should come amongst them. 3. That they excepted against him for these two doctrines raised from 2. Sam. xii. 7: First, that ministers must sometimes particularly apply their doctrine to special persons; secondly, that great men may be reproved as well as meaner. Answer: Their answer was, that both these were without either truth or color of the same (as was proved to his face), and that they had taught and believed these things long before they knew Mr. Lyford. 4. That they utterly sought the ruin of the particulars; as appears by this, that they would not suffer any of the general either to buy or sell with them, or to exchange one commodity for another. Answer: This was a most malicious slander and void of all truth, as was evidently proved to him before all men; for any of them did both buy, sell, or exchange with them as often as they had any occasion. Yea, and also both lend and give to them when they wanted; and this the particular persons themselves could not deny, but freely confessed in open court. But the ground from whence this arose made it much worse, for he was in counsel with them. When one was called before them, and questioned for receiving powder and biscuit from the gunner of the small ship, which was the company's, and had it put in at his window in the night, and also for buying salt of one, that had no right to it, he not only stood to back him (being one of these particulars) by excusing and extenuating his fault, as long as he could, but upon this builds this mischievous and most false slander: That because they would not suffer them to buy stolen goods, ergo, they sought their utter ruin. Bad logic for a divine. 5. Next he writes, that he charged them with this: that they turned men into their particular, and then sought to starve them, and deprive them of all means of subsistence. Answer: To this was answered, he did them manifest wrong, for they turned none into their particular; it was their own importunity and earnest desire that moved them, yea, constrained them to do it. And they appealed to the persons themselves for the truth hereof. And they testified the same against him before all present, as also that they had no cause to complain of any either hard, or unkind usage. 6. He accuseth them with unjust distribution, and writeth, that it was a strange difference, that some have been allowed sixteen pounds of meal by the week, and others but four pounds. And then (floutingly) saith, "It seems some men's mouths and bellies are very little and slender over others." Answer: This might seem strange indeed to those to whom he wrote his letters in England, which knew not the reason of it; but to him and others here, it could not be strange, who knew how things stood. For the first comers had none at all, but lived on their corn. Those which came in the "Anne," the August before, and were to live thirteen months off the provisions they brought, had as good allowance in meal and pease as it would extend to, the most part of the year; but a little before harvest, when they had not only fish, but other fruits began to come in, they had but four pounds of meal a week, lived better than the other, as was well known to all. And yet it must be remembered that Lyford and his had always the highest allowance. Many other things (in his letters) he accused them of, with many aggravations; as that he saw exceeding great waste of tools and vessels; and this, when it came to be examined, all the instance he could give was, that he had seen an old hogshead or two fallen to pieces, and a broken hoe or two left carelessly in the field by some. Though he also knew that a godly, honest man was appointed to look to these things. But these things and such like was written of by him, to cast disgrace and prejudice upon them; as thinking what came from a minister would pass for current. Then he tells them that Winslow should say, that there was not above seven of the adventurers that sought the good of the colony; that Mr. Oldham and himself had had much to do with them, and that the faction here might match the Jesuits for polity. With many the like grievous complaints and accusations. 1. Then, in the next place, he comes to give his friends counsel and direction. And first, that the Leyden company (Mr. Robinson and the rest) must still be kept back, or else all will be spoiled. And lest any of them should be taken in privately somewhere on the coast of England, (as it was feared might be done,) they must change the master of the ship (Mr. Wm. Peirce), and put another also in Winslow's stead, for merchant, or else it would not be prevented. 2. Then he would have such a number provided as might over- sway them here. And that the particulars should have voices in all courts and elections, and be free to bear any office. And that every particular should come over as an adventurer, if he be but a servant; some other venturing ten pounds, the bill may be taken out in the servant's name, and then assigned to the party whose money it was, and good covenants drawn between them for the clearing of the matter; "and this," saith he, "would be a means to strengthen this side the more." 3. Then he tells them that if that captain they spoke of should come over hither as a general, he was persuaded he would be chosen captain; for this Captain Standish looks like a silly boy, and is in utter contempt. 4. Then he shows that if by the forementioned means they can not be strengthened to carry and overbear things, it will be best for them to plant elsewhere by themselves; and would have it articled by them that they might make choice of any place that they liked best within three or four miles distance, showing there were far better places for plantation than this. 5. And lastly he concludes, that if some number came not over to bear them up here, then there would be no abiding for them, but by joining with these here. Then he adds: " Since I began to write, there are letters come from your company, wherein they would give sole authority in divers things unto the Governor here; which, if it take place, then, voe nobis. But I hope you will be more vigilant hereafter, that nothing may pass in such a manner. I suppose," saith he, "Mr. Oldham will write to you further of these things. I pray you conceal me in the discovery of these things," etc. Thus I have briefly touched some chief things in his letters, and shall now return to their proceeding with him. After the reading of his letters before the whole company, he was demanded what he could say to these things. But all the answer he made was, that Billington and some others had informed him of many things, and made sundry complaints, which they now denied. He was again asked if that was a sufficient ground for him thus to accuse and traduce them by his letters, and never say word to them, considering the many bonds between them. And so they went on from point to point; and wished him, or any of his friends and confederates, not to spare them in any thing; if he or they had any proof or witness of any corrupt or evil dealing of theirs, his or their evidence must needs be there present, for there was the whole company and sundry strangers. He said he had been abused by others in their informations, (as he now well saw,) and so had abused them. And this was all the answer they could have, for none would take his part in any thing; but Billington, and any whom he named, denied the things, and protested he wronged them, and would have drawn them to such and such things which they could not consent to, though they were sometimes drawn to his meetings. Then they dealt with him about his dissembling with them about the church, and that he professed to concur with them in all things, and what a large confession he made at his admit- tance, and that he held not himself a minister till he had a new calling, ete. And yet now he contested against them, and drew a company apart, and sequestered himself; and would go minister the sacraments (by his episcopal calling) without ever speaking a word unto them, either as magistrates or brethren. In conclusion, he was fully convicted, and burst out into tears, and "confessed he feared he was a reprobate; his sins were so great that he doubted God would not pardon them; he was unsavory salt, etc.; and that he had so wronged them as he could never make them amends, confessing all he had written against them was false and nought, both for matter and manner." And all this he did with as much fulness as words and tears could express. After their trial and conviction, the court censured them to be expelled the place; Oldham presently, though his wife and family had liberty to stay all winter, or longer, till he could make provision to remove them comfortably. Lyford had liberty to stay six months. It was, indeed, with some eye to his release, if he carried himself well in the meantime, and that his repentance proved sound. Lyford acknowledged his censure was far less than he deserved. Afterwards, he confessed his sin publicly in the church, with tears more largely than before. I shall here put it down as I find it recorded by some who took it from his own words, as himself uttered them. Acknowledging that he had done very evil, and slanderously abused them; and thinking most of the people would take part with him, he thought to carry all by violence and strong hand against them. And that God might justly lay innocent blood to his charge, for he knew not what hurt might have come of these his writings, and blessed God they were stayed. And that he spared not to take knowledge from any, of any evil that was spoken, but shut his eyes and ears against all the good; and if God should make him a vagabond in the earth, as was Cain, it was but just, for he had sinned in envy and malice against his brethren as he did. And he confessed three things to be the ground and causes of these his doings: pride, vainglory, and self-love. Amplifying these heads with many other sad expressions, in the particulars of them. So as they began again to conceive good thoughts of him upon this his repentance, and admitted him to teach amongst them as before; and Samuel Fuller (a deacon amongst them), and some other tender-hearted men amongst them, were so taken with his signs of sorrow and repentance, as they professed they would fall upon their knees to have his censure released. But that which made them all stand amazed in the end, and may do all others that shall come to hear the same, (for a rarer precedent can scarce be shown,) was, that after a month or two, notwithstanding all his former confessions, convictions, and public acknowledgments, both in the face of the church and the whole company, with so many tears and sad censures of himself before God and men, he should go again to justify what he had done. {PESTILENT_MORTON The Pestilent Morton and His Merry Mount HITHERTO the Indians of these parts had no pieces nor other arms but their bows and arrows, nor of many years after; neither durst they scarce handle a gun, so much were they afraid of them; and the very sight of one (though out of kilter) was a terror unto them. But those Indians to the east parts, which had commerce with the French, got pieces of them, and they in the end made a common trade of it; and in time our English fishermen, led with the like covetousness, followed their example, for their own gain; but upon complaint against them, it pleased the king's majesty to prohibit the same by a strict proclamation, commanding that no sort of arms, or munition, should by any of his subjects be traded with them. About some three or four years before this time, there came over one Captain Wollaston, (a man of pretty parts,) and with him three or four more of some eminency, who brought with them a great many servants, with provisions and other implements for to begin a plantation; and pitched themselves in a place within the Massachusetts, which they called, after their captain's name, Mount Wollaston. Amongst whom was one Mr. Morton, who, it should seem, had some small adventure (of his own or other men's) amongst them; but had little respect amongst them, and was slighted by the meanest servants. Having continued there some time, and not finding things to answer their expectations, nor profit to arise as they looked for, Captain Wollaston takes a great part of the servants, and transports them to Virginia, where he puts them off at good rates, selling their time to other men; and writes back to one Mr. Rassdall, one of his chief partners, and accounted their merchant, to bring another part of them to Virginia likewise, intending to put them off there as he had done the rest. And he, with the consent of the said Rassdall, appointed one Fitcher to be his Lieutenant, and govern the remains of the plantation, till he or Rassdall returned to take further order thereabout. But this Morton above-said, having more craft than honesty, (who had been a kind of pettifogger, of Furnefells Inn,) in the other's absence, watches an opportunity, (commons being but hard amongst them,) and got some strong drink and other junkets, and made them a feast; and after they were merry, he began to tell them, he would give them good counsel. "You see," saith he, "that many of your fellows are carried to Virginia; and if you stay till this Rassdall return, you will also be carried away and sold for slaves with the rest. Therefore I would advise you to thrust out this Lieutenant Fitcher; and I, having a part in the plantation, will receive you as my partners and consociates; so may you be free from service, and we wilt converse, trade, plant, and live together as equals, and support and protect one another," or to like effect. This counsel was easily received; so they took opportunity, and thrust Lieutenant Fitcher out of doors, and would suffer him to come no more amongst them, but forced him to seek bread to eat, and other relief from his neighbors, till he could get passages for England. After this they fell to great licentiousness, and led a dissolute life, powering out themselves into all profaneness. And Morton became lord of misrule, and maintained (as it were) a school of Atheism. And after they had got some goods into their hands, and got much by trading with the Indians, they spent it as vainly, in quaffing and drinking both wine and strong waters in great excess, and, as some reported, ten pounds worth in a morning. They also set up a May-pole, drinking and dancing about it many days together, inviting the Indian women, for their con- sorts, dancing and frisking together, (like so many fairies, or furies rather,) and worse practices. As if they had anew revived and celebrated the feast of the Roman goddess Flora, or the beastly practices of the mad Bacchanalians. Morton likewise (to show his poetry) composed sundry rhymes and verses, some tending to lasciviousness, and others to the detraction and scandal of some persons, which he affixed to this idle or idol May-pole. They changed also the name of their place, and instead of calling it Mount Wollaston, they call it Merry Mount, as if this jollity would have lasted ever. But this continued not long, for after Morton was sent for England, (as follows to be declared,) shortly after came over that worthy gentleman, Mr. John Endicott, who brought over a patent under the broad seal, for the government of the Massachusetts, who visiting those parts caused that May-pole to be cut down, and rebuked them for their profaneness, and admonished them to look there should be better walking; so they now, or others, changed the name of their place again, and called it Mount Dagon. Now, to maintain this riotous prodigality and profuse excess, Morton, thinking himself lawless, and hearing what gain the French and fishermen made by trading of pieces, powder, and shot to the Indians, he, as the head of this consortship, began the practice of the same in these parts; and first he taught them how to use them, to charge and discharge, and what proportion of powder to give the piece, according to the size or bigness of the same; and what shot to use for fowl, and what for deer. And having thus instructed them, he employed some of them to hunt and fowl for him, so as they became far more active in that employment than any of the English, by reason of their swiftness of foot, and nimbleness of body, being also quick-sighted, and by continual exercise well knowing the haunts of all sorts of game. So as when they saw the execution that a piece would do, and the benefit that might come by the same, they became mad, as it were, after them, and would not stick to give any price they could attain to for them; accounting their bows and arrows but baubles in comparison of them. And here I may take occasion to bewail the mischief that this wicked man began in these parts, and which since base covetousness prevailing in men that should know better, has now at length got the upper hand, and made this thing common, notwithstanding any laws to the contrary; so as the Indians are full of pieces all over, both fowling pieces, muskets, pistols, ete. They have also their moulds to make shot, of all sorts, as musket bullets, pistol bullets, swan and goose shot, and of smaller sorts; yea, some have seen them have their screw-plates to make screw-pins themselves, when they want them, with sundry other implements, wherewith they are ordinarily better fitted and furnished than the English themselves. Yea, it is well known that they will have powder and shot, when the English want it, nor can not get it; and that in a time of war or danger, as experience hath manifested, that when lead hath been scarce, and men for their own defence would gladly have given a groat a pound, which is dear enough, yet hath it been bought up and sent to other places, and sold to such as trade it with the Indians, at twelve pence the pound; and it is like they give three or four shillings the pound, for they will have it at any rate. And these things have been done in the same times, when some of their neighbors and friends are daily killed by the Indians, or are in danger thereof, and live but at the Indians' mercy. Yea, some (as they have acquainted them with all other things) have told them how gunpowder is made, and all the materials in it, and that they are to be had in their own land; and I am confident, could the attain to make saltpetre, they would teach them to make powder. Oh, the horribleness of this villany! how many both Dutch and English have been lately slain by those Indians, thus furnished; and no remedy provided, nay, the evil more increased, and the blood of their brethren sold for gain, as is to be feared; and in what danger all these colonies are in is too well known. Oh! that princes and parliaments would take some timely order to prevent this mischief, and at length to suppress it, by some exemplary punishment upon some of these gain-thirsty murderers, (for they deserve no better title,) before their colonies in these parts be overthrown by these barbarous savages, thus armed with their own weapons, by these evil instruments, and traitors to their neighbors and country. But I have forgot myself, and have been too long in this digression; but now to return: This Morton having thus taught them the use of pieces, he sold them all he could spare; and he and his consorts determined to send for many out of England, and had by some of the ships sent for above a score; the which being known, and his neighbors meeting the Indians in the woods armed with gun in this sort, it was a terror unto them, who lived stragglingly, and were of no strength in any place. And other places (though more remote) saw this misehief would quickly spread over all, if not prevented. Besides, they saw they should keep no servants, for Morton would entertain any, how vile soever, and all the scum of the country, or any discontents, would flock to him from all places, if this nest was not broken; and they should stand in more fear of their lives and goods (in short time) from this wicked and debauched crew, than from the savages themselves. So sundry of the chief of the straggling plantations, meeting together, agreed by mutual consent to solicit those of Plymouth (who were their of more strength than them all) to join with them to prevent the further growth of this mischief, and suppress Morton and his consorts before they grew to further head and strength. Those that joined in this action (and after contributed to the charge of sending him for England) were from Pascataway, Namkeake, Winisimett, Weesagascusett, Natasco, and other places where any English were seated. Those of Plymouth being thus sought too by their messengers and letters, and weighing both their reasons, and the common danger, were willing to afford them their help; though themselves had least cause of fear or hurt. So, to be short, they first resolved jointly to write to him, and in a friendly and neighborly way to admonish him to forbear these courses, and sent a messenger with their letters to bring his answer. But he was so high as he scorned all advice, and asked who had to do with him; he had and would trade pieces with the Indians in despite of all, with many other scurrilous terms full of disdain. They sent to him a second time, and bade him be better advised, and more temperate in his terms, for the country could not bear the injury he did; it was against their common safety, and against the king's proclamation. He answered in high terms as before, and that the king's proclamation was no law; demanding what penalty was upon it. It was answered, more than he could bear, his majesty's displeasure. But insolently he persisted, and said the king was dead and his displeasure with him, and many the like things; and threatened withal that if any came to molest him, let them look to themselves, for he would prepare for them. Upon which they saw there was no way but to take him by force; and having so far proceeded, now to give over would make him far more haughty and insolent. So they mutually resolved to proceed, and obtained of the Governor of Plymouth to send Captain Standish, and some other aid with him, to take Morton by force. The which accordingly was done; but they found him to stand stiffly in his defence, having made fast his doors, armed his consorts, set divers dishes of powder and bullets ready on the table; and if they had not been overarmed with drink, more hurt might have been done. They summoned him to yield, but he kept his house, and they could get nothing but scoffs and scorns from him; but at length, fearing they would do some violence to the house, he and some of his crew came out, but not to yield, but to shoot; but they were so steeled with drink as their pieces were too heavy for them; himself with a carbine (overcharged and almost half filled with powder and shot, as was after found) had thought to have shot Captain Standish; but he stepped to him, and put by his piece, and took him. Neither was there any hurt done to any of either side, save that one was so drunk that he ran his own nose upon the point of a sword that one held before him as he entered the house; but he lost but a little of his hot blood. Morton they brought away to Plymouth, where he was kept, till a ship went from the Isle of Shoals for England, with which he was sent to the Council of New-England; and letters written to give them information of his course and carriage; and also one was sent at their common charge to inform their Honors more particularly, and to prosecute against him. But he fooled of the messenger, after he was gone from hence, and though he went for England, yet nothing was done to him, not so much as rebuked, for aught was heard; but returned the next year. Some of the worst of the company were dispersed, and some of the more modest kept the house till he should be heard from. But I have been too long about so unworthy a person, and bad a cause. {LIFE_DEATH_ELDER The Life and Death of Elder Brewster I AM to begin this year with that which was a matter of great sadness and mourning unto them all. About the 18th of April died their Reverend Elder, and my dear and loving friend, Mr. William Brewster; a man that had done and suffered much for the Lord Jesus and the gospel's sake, and had borne his part in weal and woe with this poor persecuted church above thirty-six years in England, Holland, and in this wilderness, and done the Lord and them faithful service in his place and calling. And notwithstanding the many troubles and sorrows he passed through, the Lord upheld him to a great age. He was near fourscore years of age (if not all out) when he died. He had this blessing added by the Lord to all the rest, to die in his bed, in peace, amongst the midst of his friends, who mourned and wept over him, and ministered what help and comfort they could unto him, and he again recomforted them whilst he could. His sickness was not long, and till the last day thereof he did not wholly keep his bed. His speech continued till somewhat more than half a day, and then failed him; and about nine or ten o'clock that evening he died, without any pangs at all. A few hours before, he drew his breath short, and some few minutes before his last, he drew his breath long, as a man fallen into a sound sleep, without any pangs or gaspings, and so sweetly departed this life unto a better. I would now demand of any, what he was the worse for any former sufferings? What do I say? Worse? Nay, sure he was the better, and they now added to his honor. "It is a manifest token," saith the Apostle, "of the righteous judgment of God that ye may be counted worthy of the kingdom of God, for which ye also suffer; seeing it is a righteous thing with God to recompense tribulation to them that trouble you: and to you who are troubled, rest with us, when the Lord Jesus shall be revealed from heaven with His mighty angels. If you be reproached for the name of Christ, happy are ye, for the spirit of glory and of God resteth upon you." What though he wanted the riches and pleasures of the world in this life, and pompous monuments at his funeral? Yet the memorial of the just shall be blessed when the name of the wicked shall not (with their marble monuments). I should say something of his life, if to say a little were not worse than to be silent. But I can not wholly forbear, though happily more may be done hereafter. After he had attained some learning, viz., the knowledge of the Latin tongue, and some insight in the Greek, and spent some small time at Cambridge, and then being first seasoned with the seeds of grace and virtue, he went to the Court, and served that religious and godly gentleman, Mr. Davison, divers years, when he was Secretary of State; who found him so discreet and faithful as he trusted him above all other that were about him, and only employed him in all matters of greatest trust and secrecy. He esteemed him rather as a son than a servant, and for his wisdom and godliness (in private) he would converse with him more like a friend and familiar than a master. He attended his master when he was sent in embassage by the Queen into the Low Countries, in the Earl of Leicester's time, as for other weighty affairs of state, so to receive possession of the cautionary towns, and in token and sign thereof the keys of Flushing being delivered to him, in her Majesty's name, he kept them some time, and committed them to this his servant, who kept them under his pillow, on which he slept the first night. And, at his return, the States honored him with a gold chain, and his master committed it to him, and commanded him to wear it when they arrived in England, as they rode through the country, till they came to the Court. He afterwards remained with him till his troubles, that he was put from his place about the death of the Queen of Scots; and some good time after, doing him many faithful offices of service in the time of his troubles. Afterwards he went and lived in the country, "in good esteem amongst his friends and the gentlemen of those parts, especially the godly and religious. He did much good in the country where he lived, in promoting and furthering religion, not only by his practice and example, and provoking and encouraging of others, but by procuring of good preachers to the places thereabout, and drawing on of others to assist and help forward in such a work; he himself most commonly deepest in the charge, and sometimes above his ability. And in this state he continued many years, doing the best good he could, and walking according to the light he saw, till the Lord revealed further unto him. And in the end, by the tyranny of the bishops against godly preachers and people, in silencing the one and persecuting the other, he and many more of those times began to look further into things, and to see into the unlawfulness of their callings, and the burden of many antichristian corruptions, which both he and they endeavored to cast off; as they also did, as in the beginning of this treatise is to be seen. After they were joined together in communion, he was a special stay and help unto them. They ordinarily met at his house on the Lord's day, (which was a manor of the bishop's,) and with great love he entertained them when they came, making provision for them to his great charge. He was the chief of those that were taken at Boston, and suffered the greatest loss; and of the seven that were kept longest in prison, and after bound over to the assizes. After he came into Holland he suffered much hardship, after he had spent the most of his means, having a great charge, and many children; and, in regard of his former breeding and course of life, not so fit for many employments as others were, especially such as were toilsome and laborious. But yet he ever bore his condition with much cheerfulness and contentation. Towards the latter part of those twelve years spent in Holland, his outward condition was mended, and he lived well and plentifully; for he fell into a way (by reason he had the Latin tongue) to teach many students, who had a desire to learn the English tongue, to teach them English; and by his method they quickly attained it with great facility; for he drew rules to learn it by, after the Latin manner; and many gentlemen, both Danes and Germans, resorted to him, as they had time from other studies, some of them being great men's sons. He also had means to set up printing, (by the help of some friends,) and so had employment enough, and by reason of many books which would not be allowed to be printed in England, they might have had more than they could do. But now removing into this country, all these things were laid aside again, and a new course of living must be framed unto; in which he was no way unwilling to take his part, and to bear his burden with the rest, living many times without bread, or corn, many months together, having many times nothing but fish, and often wanting that also; and drunk nothing but water for many years together, yea, till within five or six years of his death. And yet he lived (by the blessing of God) in health till very old age. And besides that, he would labor with his hands in the fields as long as he was able; yet when the church had no other minister, he taught twice every Sabbath, and that both powerfully and profitably, to the great contentment of the hearers, and their comfortable edification; yea, many were brought to God by his ministry. He did more in this behalf in a year, than many that have their hundreds a year do in all their lives. For his personal abilities, he was qualified above many; he was wise and discreet and well spoken, having a grave and deliberate utterance, of a very cheerful spirit, very sociable and pleasant amongst his friends, of an humble and most modest mind, of a peaceable disposition, undervaluing himself and his own abilities, and sometimes overvaluing others; inoffensive and innocent in his life and conversation, which gained him the love of those without, as well as those within; yet he would tell them plainly of their faults and evils, both publicly and privately, but in such a manner as usually was well taken from him. He was tender-hearted, and compassionate of such as were in misery, but especially of such as had been of good estate and rank, and were fallen unto want and poverty, either for goodness and religion's sake, or by the injury and oppression of others; he would say, of all men these deserved to be pitied most. And none did more offend and displease him than such as would haughtily and proudly carry and lift up themselves, being risen from nothing, and having little else in them to commend them but a few fine clothes, or a little riches more than others. In teaching, he was very moving and stirring of affections, also very plain and distinct in what he taught; by which means he became the more profitable to the hearers. He had a singular good gift in prayer, both public and private, in ripping up the heart and conscience before God, in the humble confession of sin, and begging the mercies of God in Christ for the pardon of the same. He always thought it were better for ministers to pray oftener, and divide their prayers, than be long and tedious in the same (except upon solemn and special occasions, as in days of humiliation and the like). His reason was, that the heart and spirits of all, especially the weak, could hardly continue and stand bent (as it were) so long towards God, as they ought to do in that duty, without flagging and falling off. For the government of the church, (which was most proper to his office,) he was careful to preserve good order in the same, and to preserve purity, both in the doctrine and communion of the same; and to suppress any error or contention that might begin to rise up amongst them; and accordingly God gave good success to his endeavors herein all his days, and he saw the fruit of his labors in that behalf. But I must break off, having only thus touched a few, as it were, heads of things. The End